A DEATH SENTENCE!
Tuesday, June 29, 2021
Teachers Death Sentence
Teachers & Witchcraft
SCHOOL TEACHER TORTURED AND BURNT FOR WITCHCRAFT
Tuesday, June 22, 2021
Kangaroo Court
Teachers Pension Fund President Demands Apology & Public Shaming
By Jim Vail
CTPF President Jeffery Blackwell |
The Chicago Teachers Pension Fund President Jeffery Blackwell showed no mercy in his public shaming of three minority female trustees on the pension board.
Trustees Gervaise Clay, Tina Padilla, and Maria Rodriguez were forced to issue public apologies at the pension board meeting June 17 for alleged disrespectful and hostile actions on the pension board.
Except those apologies at the meeting turned into accusations against the board president for attacking the female trustees because they are minority women who speak out at the meetings.
"This censure was made against three women of color to obstruct trustees from performing their fiduciary responsibility," Tina Padilla told the board.
At this point Blackwell was upset and quickly interjected that his name should not be brought up because the focus should be on the three female trustees who were censured and ordered to issue an apology to the teachers pension board.
Padilla responded by stating that her name had been slandered but she has refrained from going to the media. She said the fund hired an outside attorney to investigate the allegations against her and the others and the lawyer read her findings to the board which found that the complaints against them had failed to meet the definition of racism, bullying and harassment.
At this point, Blackwell shut off the mic and told Tina Padilla she could no longer speak because her time allotment had ended.
"Tina you're out of order," Blackwell said. "The censure had everything to do with it. I find it disgusting they say they are being singled out because of their race and ethnicity. This has nothing to do with race, ethnicity or gender."
There are six women on the teachers pension board, five are of color and the three who were censured and forced to apologize for alleged disrespectful and hostile actions are of color and they did not vote for Blackwell to be president of the board. The two women of color who voted for Blackwell are officers - one serves as the recording secretary and the other as the financial secretary. The one white female trustee Mary Sharon Reilly who serves as the vice president was reprimanded for making a racist statement against another trustee.
But Blackwell showed no mercy when trustee Mary Sharon Reilly questioned why the apologies had to be published in the pension fund's newsletter and sent out to tens of thousands of members. She made a motion to not include the censures and reprimand in the newsletter.
"I think its unnecessary because it's already published in the minutes, its more permanent than a newsletter," Reilly said. "It happened before in July (almost a year ago), I apologized in writing. It's a bit dramatic to put it in the newsletter. I discussed this with staff who didn't think it was a good idea."
Trustee Maria Rodriguez, who spoke in favor of the motion, added that a much more egregious act was committed in which a censure was issued by the board that was recorded in the minutes but not sent out to 68,500 people.
"I am receiving feedback," Rodriguez said. "Why aren't things being resolved internally? Why is the fund airing dirty laundry? It affects everyone."
Trustee Phil Weiss who read out the censures at the last meeting said he was surprised by the motion by Reilly. Blackwell seconded him.
"I'm still confused how this can be done if we already voted to put the censures in the newsletter," Blackwell said. "I kind of thought this period was to abide by the censure and apologize. If it's not, then we're kind of spinning our wheels. I'm questioning the legality if we already voted on it."
The fund's attorney Joe Burns - who all the trustees turn to in moments like these - said the motion for reconsideration was in order, which would mean going back to the original motion of censuring the trustees and make it again and then take out reference to the newsletter. He said it's a multi-step process.
"You're overriding an earlier motion that passed," Burns said. "It gets rather involved. Do the trustees want this? You should decide what you want to do. A chair can rule a motion out of order. And a trustee can ask to challenge the ruling of the chair."
Which is exactly what Blackwell immediately did. He ruled the motion out of order.
"This is kind of, it's like a slap in the face," he said. "It's supposed to be an apology. This requires more time to talk and meet. I don't feel this is right. It's out of order."
Trustee Reilly said she could not unmute her mic to challenge the ruling of the chair.
And then the apologies came, or rather a rebuke from the alleged guilty trustees who were forced to make apologies that they believed they never should have had to make.
Trustee Gervaise Clay said after the president made the allegations of disrespectful and hostile behavior against the three women of color, at no time was she interviewed about the allegations. She said she believed the censure was an attempt to quiet her.
"I will not be silenced," she said.
Blackwell again cut her off and said his name was mentioned again and that the allegations had nothing to do with race, gender or ethnicity.
It should be noted here that his allegations and the motion to censure the three trustees were a result of a witch hunt after Blackwell accused trustees of racism, misogyny, bullying and other vile acts. He called the pension fund "a cabal of evil."
Blackwell said he expected to hear apologies, and instead heard defense statements. Their censure motion that passed at the last board meeting specified that should the trustees not make sincere attempts to rectify their behavior and abide by the punishment, more harsh consequences could result in the future.
Blackwell only allowed 10 minutes for the four trustees to make their apologies before the fund had to break for lunch. He quickly cut off the members' apologies when the three minute timer went off, a similar tactic the Chicago Board of Education uses to enforce the time limit against teachers or community members speaking out against the board. Earlier in the meeting trustee Padilla said, "I feel like a pinata. I'm getting beaten up!"
The last teachers pension board meeting passed the motion that stated:
"Whereas the Board of Trustees censured (the three trustees) for conduct towards Fund employees, and a fellow Trustee that was aggressive, hostile, unprofessional and disrespectful behavior."
It is not clear what exactly were the hostile, disrespectful and unprofessional actions the trustees are accused of.
A CTPF employee is suing the pension board for retaliation after he called out accounting errors.
The battle between the president of the fund and the three female trustees continues. If one was to keep score, it would be Blackwell 1 and Trustees Clay, Padilla and Rodriguez 1.
Stay tuned for Game 3!
Saturday, June 12, 2021
Russian Teachers Union
TEN YEARS OF STRUGGLE
Letter Writing
FORGOTTEN LETTER LEGACY
Tulsa
100 Years Ago: The Tulsa Massacre
By The Spark
At 5:08 AM on June 1st, 1921, a loud whistle blew in Tulsa Oklahoma. Thousands of armed white Tulsans, some in military uniform, marched on the city’s Greenwood neighborhood. Greenwood was a prosperous black community. White rioters shot black people in the street, looted their houses and businesses, systematically setting them aflame. Bullets rained down from planes overhead. By the end of the day, 35 city blocks lay in ashes, with as many as 300 black people killed, hundreds more injured and between 5 and 10 thousand left homeless.
Oklahoma had been seen as a refuge for black people. It had been “Indian Territory” until 1906. Many black people found in it an environment freer than much of the rest of the country.
The first black people came to Oklahoma as slaves of Native tribes such as the Cherokee. These tribes were uprooted and forcibly removed from Georgia to “Indian Territory”—what came to be known as the Trail of Tears. When the Civil War ended slavery, the black “freedmen” were accepted into some tribes as equals, or nearly so. Some tribes distributed land to freedmen—“40 Acres and a Mule” was put into practice. Other freedmen worked as sheriffs. Other black people migrated to Indian territory to take advantage of the relative freedom found among the already established black community.
Tulsa became a boomtown early in the 20th century, with the discovery of a gusher of oil. The town mushroomed, creating work and commerce for black workers and businesspeople. Greenwood soon boasted a 60 room hotel, two theaters, a newspaper, doctors, lawyers, and many shopkeepers.
World War One, and the economic boom that came with it, set off the Great Migration of black people out of the South, away from the circumstances that they faced there.
Many black men fought in Europe, returning with both training and a new militancy. They had traveled abroad, fought, risked their lives. They were able to escape some of the suffocating racism they saw in the States. They were determined not to return to the same. Many in the ruling class singled out this militancy as a threat to their order.
Once the war was over, jobs became more scarce, setting workers into competition with one another. With a tightening job market, the ruling class encouraged a widespread attack on the black population. The white working population was encouraged to violently reaffirm white supremacy, and to maintain second class citizenship through racist violence.
World War One created a violently reactionary environment. Members of the IWW, a radical union organization, sought to build a union among the oil field workers. Tulsa business leaders decided to give them a “lesson in patriotism.” They organized the “Knights of Liberty,” the local KKK, who then rounded up 17 IWW members and took them to the edge of Tulsa. There they whipped them bloody, before tarring and feathering them. The Knights were backed by the city’s ruling class—their action gave a glimpse of what was to come.
This period was full of racist violence against black people. In East St. Louis in 1917, white workers attacked and killed dozens of black people. In Chicago in the summer of 1919, white mobs attacked black people all over the South Side for three days. In both East St. Louis and Chicago, racial tensions were brought to a boil after the bosses hired black workers as strikebreakers. White workers attacked black people, instead of their own bosses.
In 1919, in Elaine, Arkansas white mobs hundreds of black sharecroppers who had begun to assert their rights. Later, in 1923, a white mob destroyed the black town of Rosewood, Florida.
In Tulsa, on May 31st, 1921, a black worker was accused of attacking a young white woman during an elevator ride in a downtown office tower. The same story played out over and over—a black man accused of rape or assault on a white woman was at the heart of many of these atrocities. It’s worth noting that after all was said and done, the woman in Tulsa dropped her charges in court.
One of Tulsa’s newspapers called for the black man to be lynched. A group of black people, upon learning of the lynching threat, armed themselves and gathered at the courthouse—some in army uniform. A white lynch mob confronted them. A scuffle broke out, and several, black and white were killed.
That became the signal the KKK was waiting for. Many white people were deputized and given badges, under the pretense of “restoring order.” The mob, which included the police, set upon Greenwood the morning of June 1st. Eldoris McDonichie, 9 years old at the time, remembered her mother saying, “Wake up! The white people are killing the colored folks.” Her family joined others streaming out of town. Eldoris saw men firing down on fleeing black people from planes—planes probably belonging to Sinclair Oil Company.
WD Williams was 16, his family owned a pastry shop and the neighborhood theater. He watched his father arm himself to fend off the mob. But the mob was too large to hold back. Williams witnessed a looter carrying his mother’s fur coat out of his home. Many black people would witness white people wearing their clothing on the street, like trophies, in the following weeks.
In the wake of the destruction, witnesses recounted “cattle trucks, heavily laden with bloody, dead, black bodies.” No one was ever brought to trial for the atrocity. In fact, the massacre was erased from official history for several decades.
100 years later, even President Biden admits to the violence carried out in Greenwood—though it is presented as an isolated incident, motivated by greed and envy.
The violence in Tulsa was not the exception—it was the rule. This society continues to carry racist violence within it. And to use racism to keep black and white people divided against each other. This division in the U.S. working class has held back unity and combativeness for generations, and has kept a rotten social system in place. It continues to keep the working class divided today, exploited by a united ruling class.
Sunday, June 6, 2021
HOD June
Core defeated Members First to win three executive board positions at the June 2 House of Delegates meeting.
Saturday, June 5, 2021
Anti-Foreign Ed Law
NEITHER RHYME NOR REASON
Cheating
CHEATING: ESSAY MILLS EPIDEMIC
By Stephen Wilson